Saudi Arabia had a difficult
year. Despite Saudi Arabia’s best efforts at restoring order in
neighboring Yemen, the Kingdom’s efforts to pummel its way to peace have
largely failed. Near Saudi Arabia’s northern borders, Syria and Iraq
continue to struggle through maddening states of chaos and civil war.
Internally, Saudi Arabia is battling domestic terror cells, ISIS
recruiters, and Shiite protesters. Finally, its American partner, in
Saudi Arabia’s eyes, all but abandoned the Kingdom by signing the
nuclear deal that resulted in greater economic and political power for
its long time rival, Iran.
Saudi Arabia’s recent executions and the subsequent tension with its
rival, Iran, were calculated moves, designed to send a clear message to
opponents at home and abroad that Saudi Arabia remains in control.
Simultaneously, the executions forced Iran to engage in a no longer
subtle political battle for regional dominance.
The 47 executions carried out
last Saturday in Saudi Arabia came as a surprise. After Saudi Arabia’s
year of difficulties, its controversial decision left many puzzled as to
why the Saudis would exacerbate existing sectarian tensions. It was the
largest round of executions in Saudi Arabia since 1980, though received
worldwide attention because Saudi Arabia’s prominent Shiite cleric, and
accused Iranian sympathizer, Nimr al-Nimr was among those executed.
For Saudi Arabia, the executions
served a dual purpose. First, Saudi Arabia sent a strong message to all
opposition within the Kingdom. It does not matter who you are or where
you come from if you are compromising national security. Among those
convicted were dozens of Sunnis, four Shiites, an Al Qaeda ideologue, an
Egyptian, and a Chadian, among others. The Saudis’ bold move was likely
offensive, determined to quell any notions of a weak government, with
ISIS attacking Shiites, recruiting conservatives in the Kingdom, and
trying to delegitimize the Al-Saud monarchy while Shiite protesters
demonstrated in the Eastern Provinces. Coupled with sagging oil prices
and a newly shuffled, and younger, redistribution of power in the
government, the Saudis needed to send a clear signal to resistance
movements within the Kingdom: opposition to the royal family will not
stand. Saudi Arabia’s primary goal remains protecting the regime.
Second, Saudi Arabia’s decision
signaled to Iran that Saudi Arabia would challenge any increase in
Iranian influence, despite its new deal with the United States. As Saudi
Arabia likely predicted, the U.S. security relationship with Saudi
Arabia remained unchanged after the executions, with weapons sales
moving forward and intelligence cooperation in full swing. Saudi Arabia
recognizes its unique, critical role in assisting U.S. military efforts
in the region. Saudi Arabia’s decision also emphasized the widening
political crevice between the U.S. and the Kingdom, with Saudi
authorities blatantly pursuing their national security interests without
regard to U.S. interests, regional repercussions, or human rights.
While the political divide has undoubtedly widened in the years after
9/11, the U.S. invasion of Iraq, and the U.S. pivot to Asia, Saudi
Arabia was particularly unnerved by the U.S. deal with Iran, leaving the
Saudis doubting the loyalty of its longtime partner. The Saudis hoped a
bold statement would force the U.S. to show its support for the Kingdom
or risk Saudi opposition.
What the House of Saud underestimated was the strength of Shiite
backlash. Incensed by al-Nimr’s death, Iranians stormed the Saudi
embassy in Tehran and the consulate in Mashad. In Bahrain, a minority
Sunni-led nation, Shiite activists protested by burning tires and
hurling petrol bombs. In Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province, Shiites
demonstrated nightly. Pakistani and Indian Shiites, too, protested in
the streets of Karachi and Srinagar. Widespread Shiite outrage left
sectarian tensions simmering and governments scrambling to restore
peace. Intentionally provoking the Shiite community in Saudi Arabia
indicates either a warning about repercussions for opposition leaders or
an attempt to identify remaining opposition cells.
In contrast, to protest the
storming of the Saudi embassies, the Sunni-led nations of Qatar, Kuwait
and the UAE, recalled their ambassadors from Tehran, while Saudi Arabia,
Bahrain and Sudan cut diplomatic ties with Iran. The clearly divided
sectarian lines in the region today are neither eternal nor inherent to
Islam, but rather a result of strategic political maneuvering created by
power vacuums in the last few decades. Iran and more recently Saudi
Arabia have risen as the strongest leaders of the two political, albeit
sectarian camps.
Saudi Arabia’s short-term strategy of provoking Iran before it
becomes economically stronger, post sanctions, aids its long-term
strategy of regional dominance. After nearly a decade of proxy wars and
funding rebel groups and regimes in Iraq and Syria, Saudi Arabia
accelerated its competition for regional dominance. The recent chain of
events and resulting tension can only be viewed in the context of a
regional power dispute. For the first time since the early 2000s, Iran
is on a path to economic resurgence, while Saudi Arabia’s oil-dependent
economy is struggling. Saudi Arabia’s message and the strong show of
Sunni Arab support suggests the nascent formation of a Sunni coalition
responding to growing Iranian influence. The Saudis are striking while
Iran attempts to rise. How Iran and its Shiite partners respond will
determine whether the ripples caused by Saudi Arabia’s executions become
a regional tidal wave.The U.S. has remained relatively neutral, evidenced by Secretary Kerry’s calls to leaders from both nations. This is not the United States’ fight. However, the repercussions of a widening rift between Sunni and Shiite-led nations may significantly affect efforts for peace in Syria and Iraq. U.S. leaders should continue to push for diplomatic engagement, as there are few if any candidates from the Middle East who are able to act as a neutral mediator in a political conflict divided by sectarian lines. Withholding arms or defense cooperation from Saudi Arabia would only cause further withdrawal from the Saudis. Reneging on the Iran deal is not a politically viable option. Appealing to Iran’s desire to rejoin the international community is the best option available: a UN-led call for peace between Saudi Arabia and Iran is the best way for Iran to save face, gain goodwill, and achieve its short-term goals of economic reintegration into the global economy. The U.S. should focus its efforts on building a diverse coalition committed to reinstating a tenuous peace between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
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